Does anyone else see the irony of a staunchly anti-business and anti-property activist organization like FreePress — which openly advocates for an information commons and a broadband public utility model — attempting to be credible doing private investment analysis for the FCC?

  • Mr. Derek Turner of Free Press wroteFinding the Bottom Line: The truth about network neutrality & investment.”
  • The last time FreePress attempted economics in a public forum, FreePress asked in a letter to Congress “whether above-cost… pricing for broadband constitutes an unfair business practice.”
    • Given that FreePress was not aware that “above cost… pricing” is called profit and has always been legal in America, despite FreePress’ views to the contrary, call me skeptical about FreePress’ competence and genuineness in attempting private investment analysis.

If FreePress does not believe in free enterprise or private property, and does not understand concepts like profit, I am doubtful they can accurately or objectively analyze the economics or the business case for private long-term capital investments.

Mr. Turner tries desperately and unsuccessfully to assemble “evidence” to prove the ridiculous assertion that regulation does not deter private investment.

  • Obviously Mr. Turner has no real world understanding or experience in private investing.
  • The premise that regulation — that bans existing legal and profitable business activity, and ultimately takes away a property owner’s control over what prices, terms and conditions a product or service can be offered — will not discourage investment is preposterous.
  • Investors are not charities or government, they seek a return on their investment.
    • If their investment cannot earn a profit or a earn a profit commensurate with the increased risk, investment is obviously discouraged.

Apparently this FreePress report may only be the first of many dsytopian and incompetent economic arguments that attempt with sophistry to convince people that up is really down, and night is really day.

  • The notion that government regulation does not discourage private investment?
  • Ridiculous on its face.
  •  

The litmus test of whether the FCC’s proposed net neutrality rules are really endeavoring to prevent anti-competitive behavior on the Internet (and not about turning private broadband networks into a public utility), will be whether the rules apply to all Internet competitors, which could be anti-competitive, like the existing consensus FCC Broadband Policy Statement already does.

  • If reports prove correct, the FCC will propose to remove the existing FCC net neutrality principle #4 that “consumers are entitled to competition among network providers, application and service providers and content providers,” and that new net neutrality regulations apply only to broadband ISPs.
    • Such a change would be new anti-competition policy and completely contrary to existing U.S. pro-competition law/policy, and FCC precedents.
    • Such a change would also not be neutral or fair, but arbitrary and capricious.

Why an FCC Googleopoly exemption from Net neutrality would be transparently capricious.

First, there is more evidence of violations against net neutrality by one company, Google, in one year, than there is evidence against the entire broadband sector over the last five years!

Second, Google has the largest and fastest-growing Internet service network in the world per the recent Arbor Networks study. Arbor’s Chief Scientist Craig Labowitz told Wired:I was blown away to find out that one-tenth of the internet is going [to] or coming from Google.”

  • Under what tortured legal and policy logic could the FCC possibly justify exempting the world’s largest Internet network from new network neutrality regulations it proposes to apply to all of Google’s Internet network competitors?

Third, just in the last week there is powerful new evidence of Googleopoly’s enduring Internet market power.

  • #2 search advertiser Yahoo just reported 3Q09 earnings and is hemorrhaging search advertising revenue share to #1 Google, which already has 71% market share per Hitwise; Yahoo’s search revenues are down 19% while Google’s search revenues are up 7%.
  • Moreover, the leading global advertising agencies just wrote the DOJ urging quick approval of the Microsoft-Yahoo search agreement because of Google’s enduring dominance of Internet advertising.

Fourth, Google is the only Internet network company officially found to have acted anti-competitively by the U.S. DOJ in the last year, not once but twice!

  • 11-5-08 the Bush DOJ blocked the Google-Yahoo Ad Agreement as anti-competitive; and 9-18-09 the Obama DOJ recommended that the court reject the proposed Google Book Settlement as anti-competitive.
  • If the FCC is truly looking to be the Internet’s “smart cop” policing anti-competitive Internet traffic discrimination, shouldn’t the FCC be open to what the U.S. Department of Justice has already concluded about Google’s current Internet anti-competitive potential under both Adminstrations?
    • Under what tortured fact-base would Google not be considered a potential anti-competitive threat, while all broadband companies would be?

In conclusion, the FCC finds itself in a pickle. Google rebranded “net neutrality” as the more slogan-friendly “Open Internet” in launching the Open Internet Coalition 5-24-07. Moreover, the current proposed Open Internet policy was first unveiled publicly at Google’s headquarters 11-19-07.

  • That origination context aside, whether or not the FCC exempts Googleopoly from Internet regulations to prevent Internet anti-competitive behavior, will be a litmus test of the FCC’s neutrality/fairness and the FCC’s fidelity to implementing existing U.S. competition law as an independent agency.

 

In August, the FCC commissioned the Harvard Berkman Center to conduct a “Review of Broadband Studies” “to help inform the FCC’s efforts in developing the National Broadband Plan.”

  • The Harvard draft report flunks several core tests necessary for its fndings to have credibility.Flunks “independence” test: The FCC touted in its announcement that the report would be an “independent review” and the report itself claims to be an “independent” assessment.
    • If the FCC wanted an “independent” external review, why was their no open notification or open bidding process for this important FCC project to allow transparency and competition to bolster confidence in the “independence” claim?
    • Why was the study sole-sourced to only one entity, and to an entity well-known to have strong well-developed advocacy views that broadband should be a public utility, and not a more widely-recognized “independent” entity without a publicly obvious stake in the outcome?

    Flunks the “comprehensive” test: The FCC claimed in the announcement that the review would be “comprehensive.”

    • Is it “comprehensive” to entirely ignore most all the current baseline information undergirding existing U.S. Government policy to determine if it is still current and accurate like: NTIA’s “Networked Nation: Broadband in America 2007″ report; the FTC’s 5-0 “Broadband Connectivity Competition Policyreport; or the DOJ’s formal comments to the FCC on net neutrality for broadband?
      • If Harvard concludes that these existing U.S. Government policy positions are somehow now inoperative or incorrect, why not explicitly state that, explain why, and share the basis for that view?
    • Is it comprehensive to entirely exclude important and well-known, independent global assessments of broadband that contradict the conclusions of the Harvard report like: the IMD Swiss Business School’s 2008 World Competitiveness Yearbook; the Economist Intelligence Unit’s e-readiness rankings; or Nielsen’s Worldwide Status of the Mobile Web?

    Flunks “Fact-Based” Test: The report fundamentally tries to rewrite the history of FCC competition policy: “While Congress adopted various open access provisions in the almost unanimously-approved Telecommunications Act of 1996, the FCC decided to abandon this mode of regulation of broadband in a series of decisions in 2001 and 2002.” This revisionist history omits critically relevant “facts” that:

    • The purpose of the 1996 Act was “to promote competition and reduce regulation;”
    • That Act established “the policy of the United States to preserve the vibrant and competitive free market that presently exists for the Internet… unfettered by Federal and State regulation;” and that
    • It was FCC under Chairman Bill Kennard’s leadership in the Clinton-Gore Administration in 1999 that the FCC decided against imposing open access restrictions preemptively on cable modems.
      • That Chairman Kennard conclusion was the baseline FCC policy decision/precedent that was later affirmed and applied by the Michael Powell FCC in the Bush-Cheney Administration.
    • Omitting these critical facts appears to be an attempt to hide the incontrovertible fact that current broadband policy is obviously bipartisan and much longer standing than the Harvard report tries to imply.

    Flunks “Transparency” Test: Given that the FCC is representing the Harvard Broadband report as simply an “independent review of broadband studies,” and given that a key part of Chairman Genachowski’s Open Internet approach is promoting more broadband transparency, why was the “Principal Investigator” and lead author of the Harvard report, Professor Yochai Benkler, not transparent?

    • Why did he not openly disclose that his professional and personal views are in direct opposition with existing competition law and broadband policy and that he is a leading advocate for a radically different system based on public not private ownership of broadband networks?
    • Professor Benkler encapsulated his views on this matter in one summary quote on page 23 of his seminal book on the subject: “The Wealth of Networks:
      • The “central question is whether there will, or will not, be a core common infrastructure that is governed as a commons and therefore available to anyone who wishes to participate in the networked information environment outside of the market-based, proprietary framework.”
    • Why Professor Benkler’s views are important here is that he has the same viewpoint of FreePress’ co-founder Robert McChesney, who recently said: “What we want to have in the U.S. and in every society is an Internet that is not private property, but a public utility. We want an Internet where you don’t have to have a password and that you don’t have to pay a penny to use. It is your right to use the Internet.”

    In conclusion, it is relevant that the FCC’s outsourced review of broadband studies has flunked core tests of independence, comprehensiveness, factuality, and transparency, because any credible national broadband plan cannot be based on work that is biased, embarassingly incomplete, wrong on the most basic policy background knowledge, and non-transparent about a big and relevant hidden agenda and bias.

    • It is not credible to advocate a radical change in U.S. broadband policy — to create a property-less commons and a public utility broadband system out of whole cloth — that completely ignores existing competition law, policy, official findings and basic marketplace facts.

    The FCC’s test now is will it “pass” a report that has openly flunked all its most important “tests.”

     

In stark contrast to their opposition to the Google-Yahoo ad agreement, the American Association of Advertising Agencies (the 4As) is now urging the DOJ to quickly approve the Microsoft-Yahoo search agreement because they “believe that Yahoo! and Microsoft’s proposal to combine their technologies and search platforms is good for advertisers, marketing services agencies, web publishers, and consumers.

  • This letter is powerful evidence that the advertising industry remains deeply concerned about Google’s dominance of search advertising, and welcomes the prospect of a more viable search advertising competitive alternative — i.e. the proposed Microsoft-Yahoo’s search agreement.
 

In effectively reversing fifteen-year bipartisan U.S. communications policy from promoting competition and reducing regulation to promoting regulation and reducing competition, the FCC’s coming “Open Internet” regulations are anything but neutral; they pick sides and strongly skew outcomes.

  • First, the FCC is proposing new preemptive business bans mid-game, the harshest most disruptive form of economic regulation possible.
  • Second, the FCC is arbitrarily discriminating among increasingly similar and converging businesses resulting in the arbitrary punishment of some businesses for what they allegedly might do, while rewarding others with protection from competition for what they allegedly might not do.
  • Third, the FCC is arbitrarily mandating one-way technology convergence without any supportable justification, i.e. banning distribution convergence into applications/content, while encouraging application/content convergence into distribution.

 

The chaotic result of this “open un-neutrality” will be regulation that is increasingly at war with inexorable technological convergence and economic efficiency — requiring ever-increasing FCC regulatory artifices to keep the Internet’s original technological layers, market segments, and business models from naturally converging, evolving and competing.

  • The folly and economic danger of this open fight against competition and convergence cannot be overstated.

 

The practical effect of openly un-neutral FCC rules is to create a new un-level playing field that will only get more un-level the more the Government stands on one-side of the scales picking de facto winners and losers via regulation.

 

The practical effect of re-distributing Internet opportunity is to increasingly introduce substantial systemic risk into the Internet eco-system as the FCC endeavors to replace the Internet’s jet engines of competition with the propeller engines of FCC regulation – during flight.

  • The folly and danger of such a nonsensical retrofitting of economic propulsion cannot be overstated.  

 

At core, the FCC’s open un-neutrality would effectively redistribute Internet opportunity:

  • From some consumers to other consumers;
  • From some industries, companies, workers, and business models to other industries, companies, workers and business models; and
  • From most investors to special favored investors.

 

Re-Distributing Consumer Opportunity:

 

From the responsible to the irresponsible: In trying to create a new individual right not found in the constitution or law — that a online consumer has an absolute right to use the Internet however they want regardless of the impact on anyone else (i.e. an impact on quality of service, costs or safety) — the FCC rules would allow Internet users to have freedom with no responsibility at the expense of everyone else that respects our society’s implicit social contract where freedom is well understood to come with responsibility. 

 

From the average consumer to tech elites: By banning differentiation/innovation by broadband providers in order to make life easier for application providers, the FCC rules implicitly favor do-it-yourself-technology-integration that tech elites want, to the detriment of the average mass-market consumer of broadband services that prefers simple, easy-to-use, integrated products and bundled services. The FCC is entranced by the siren song of the tech elites and is ignoring the reality that the vast majority of Internet users do not want to be their own technology integrator. Forced complexity and end-user integration via net neutrality regulations will only block and impede broadband adoption among the less educated or more tech-phobic consumers. 

 

From the poor to the rich: By favoring non-paying consumers of advertising-based applications like Google that don’t contribute to the cost of the operating the Internet, over paying consumers of broadband connectivity services that pay the lions share of the cost of the Internet, the FCC’s open Internet rules would create an unsustainable model for the Internet where those that don’t pay their fair share of Internet costs arbitrage those forced to pay more than their fair share of the Internet’s costs. This regressive arbitrage shifts the cost burden from the tech elites that can most afford it to those who can least afford it.

 

Re-Distributing Business Opportunity:

 

From connectivity providers to application providers:The FCC rules nakedly redistribute business opportunity by creating a win-win, all-benefit/no-cost regulatory situation for application providers versus a lose-lose, all-cost/no-benefit regulatory situation for broadband providers. As convergence blurs the connectivity and applications layers, the rules allow application providers to enter the connectivity business leveraging their apps customer base, but create an artificial but effective barrier to competitive entry for connectivity providers getting into the applications business.

 

From connectivity services to cloud computing: The practical effect of net neutrality for cloud computing, is first to commoditize conduit/bandwidth in order to subsidize the cloud computing services of Google/Amazon, and second, to effectively block broadband providers from competitive entry into cloud computing. The proposed rules would powerfully favor cloud computing services at the expense of bandwidth providers, because cloud providers like Google and Amazon can leverage their huge global customer bases that don’t face much competition to offer cloud computing, however broadband providers cannot leverage their much smaller national broadband customer bases that face more competition.   

 

From property owners to non-property owners: A not-so-hidden purpose of the proposed Open Internet regulations is to advance the notion that the Internet is not an aggregation of cooperating private networks, but one public utility network. Net neutrality backers call it an “information commons” where Internet users do not have to ask permission or pay to use the property they encounter on the Internet. Despite FCC assurances that the proposed Open Internet would only apply to accessing “legal” content, the fact is that the proposed FCC rules would legitimize, favor, and protect p2p technologies that are in fact the overwhelming source of IP piracy and malware infections/intrusions.

 

From competitive industries to non-competitive industries: The FCC rules perversely advantage the netopolies, Google with about a billion users, and eBay’s Skype with about a half billion users, that face little competition, while disadvantaging broadband providers that face substantial competition. The FCC’s asymmetric application of transparency regulations would further skew market outcomes, allowing dominant and non-transparent companies like Google, the substantial competitive advantage of not being transparent when its broadband competitors are forced by regulation to be transparent. It is like hanging regulatory cowbells around the necks of broadband providers so they can never competitively surprise Google.

 

From blue collar workers to dotcom option holders: The FCC rules will also perversely reduce job opportunity for the union and minority employees which comprise significant percentages of broadband and equipment provider employment by banning their employers’ Internet growth opportunity, while increasing the job opportunities for Google’s predominantly ivy-league and six-figure, option-compensated employees.  

 

Re-Distributing Investor Opportunity:

 

From non-Silicon Valley VCs to Silicon Valley VCs: By creating regulations that favor Web 2.0 new media applications via guaranteed free/subsidized distribution, that are almost exclusively funded by a handful of Silicon Valley elite venture capital firms like Kleiner Perkins and Sequoia, the FCC rules would provide these special investors guaranteed and subsidized distribution for their “Web 2.0” application investments so they could quickly scale with first-mover advantage and face little competition.  

From lower-risk pensioners to higher-risk investors:Most retirees and pensioners need reliable income from their investment portfolio and many broadband companies deliver steady dividends, among the safest and most reliable sources of income for retirees. The FCC’s proposed regulations would in effect greatly reduce the amount of profit these dividend-paying stocks could generate, threatening their dividends and some of the steady income that many pensioners rely upon. By asymmetrically applying regulations to broadband providers and not growth companies, the FCC over time would be redistributing investment return potential from dividend-paying broadband companies to non-dividend growth companies, like Google, eBay, and Amazon.

From bondholders to distressed debt managers:A greatly under-appreciated impact of the FCC proposed regulations denying broadband companies Internet growth opportunity is that it could be a surprising and highly-destabilizing systemic shock to the balance sheets of some of the largest most stable companies in the economy today. Capital-intensive broadband companies naturally can carry more debt than most companies because of the historical consistency and stability of their free cash flow. If the FCC’s proposed draconian regulations were to suddenly and drastically change the consistency and stability of their cash flow, and their ability to service their long-term debt, the FCC’s proposed regulations could cause a broadband-sector version of the financial crisis of last fall. Sudden drastic and forced business model changes from government regulation could quickly turn good serviceable debt into destabilizing distressed debt.

Conclusion:

Without justification, the FCC is abandoning, the successful, bipartisan, fifteen-year-old, Internet free market policy of the United States, where market forces and competition have provided opportunity to all. Without evidence, the FCC’s proposed regulations would de facto declare broadband providers to be the lone threat to Internet opportunity, and thus would block their future Internet opportunity and only their opportunity. With only three votes of unelected FCC commissioners, the FCC’s proposed regulations would practically make the private networks that make up the Internet, public, and practically re-purpose the Federal Communications Commission into the “Federal Internet Opportunity Commission.”

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